Ferry Jantar Unity, in the background of Polish-Polish war and return to Polish flag

In recent days, much has been written about the baptism of the ferry Jantar Unity at the Chrobry Wały in Szczecin. Two parallel themes quickly appeared in the discussion: the big slogans about "return to sea" and an even bigger dispute over the flag and who blamed the ship for not flying the Polish flag.
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Therefore, the following text is not an attempt at party settlement of wines, but a look at mechanisms that have for years determined the fate of the Polish flag.
Jantar Unity and Polish flag – history of negligence
In media noise it is easy to overlook what is really important in this story. Jantar Unity is not just an impressive picture to cut the ribbon. This is above all a material trace of Peter Soyka's private vision of the memory of his late in 2020 and the hard, long-term work of engineering teams that led the project to an end despite rising costs, turbulence in supply chains and ordinary mundane problems that are inevitable with such projects.
But to look at this story honestly, you have to go back to the beginning. Until the moment when Polish ships began to massively disappear from the national flag, and responsibility for this process became the subject of political guilt shifting. Some people burdened others, governments and narratives changed, but the mechanism remained the same – instead of diagnosing systemic causes, they dominated ad hoc assessments and convenient simplifications.
The beginning of this process dates back to the first years of systemic transformation. In the late 1980s and 1990s, with the departure from the centrally controlled economy model, Polish shipping was left to itself. The State withdrew from its role as owner and organiser, but did not build in return a modern legal framework that would allow shipowners to compete on the international market. The existing rules on social security, ship register and taxation remained unsuited to the reality of global shipping, while other European countries already introduced protective mechanisms and incentives for their own fleets. As a result, the registration of ships under foreign flags has become not an ideological choice but a condition for survival. It was at that time that decisions were made, which pushed the Polish flag into the margins, and their effects are still felt today.
This does not mean, however, that for thirty years the lack of real action was merely the result of the ill will of either side of the political scene. Both Law and Justice and the Civic Platform presented different visions of the state and maritime economy. The problem was something else. Strong interests have been around shipping and the Polish flag for years, which the current state of affairs simply pays off. These lobbyist environments, operating close to politicians, effectively disarmed further attempts to change, with the decision makers promising simple solutions and arguments about "impossible" reforms.
Poland flag over divisions
That is why it was so easy to shift responsibility to a party dispute. Social emotions focused on mutual blame instead of asking who the status quo is actually for. As a result, as a state, we show the world a picture of a country that is permanently divided, which does not strengthen our economic position or security. This includes those who carefully observe our disputes and are able to exploit them.
Hence, a hot appeal to every Pole: a political dispute is natural, but mud throwing in fundamental matters for the state does not serve anyone. Instead, it is worth pointing attention to where silent decisions have been made for years – to lobbyist circles that actually affect the shape of the law of the sea, remaining outside the spotlight. Only naming these mechanisms by name will allow you to return to the conversation about Polish flag in a mature and responsible manner.
The reconstruction of the maritime trade fleet under the national flag is not a matter of declaration or political emotion. This is a technical, legal and economic task that requires systemic decisions. It is also not a purely Polish problem. All European countries faced the problem of reflagging. The European Union has seen this problem and Community guidelines were drawn up in 2004 to launch a return to the national flag. Practically all maritime EU countries have implemented these guidelines. The effects are already showing. Almost half of Germany's maritime commercial fleet, with about 1800 vessels, is already flying the German and other EU flags. Another example that touches us directly is France. The ships chartered by Orlen, which carry LNG gas to Świnoujście, sail not under the Polish but under the French flag. Why? Because in France the facilities for shipowners were introduced and in Poland they were not introduced. The above examples give a clear conclusion. Until the Polish State treats the flag as a tool of the economy, rather than a symbol for occasional political use, further actions will fail, regardless of who is in power.
Therefore, today I allow myself to appeal to representatives of the current ruling camp, specifically Arkadiusz Marchewka, Secretary of State in the Ministry of Infrastructure, to break this long-standing stalemate. For real hearing and taking into account the voice of people from different backgrounds and political views, who have consistently demonstrated for years what needs to be repaired on the Polish flag.
The maritime trading fleet has no political colors. Thus, meeting prospects, regardless of political differences, could be more beneficial than further declarations and mutual accusations. This proposal is not based on party sympathy, but on the simple belief that only talking to people who really care about the sea can determine a meaningful direction for further action. If we are to look for a way to rebuild the Polish flag today, this is the way it seems the most rational.









