Is British political support under the programme Orca is what our government needs?

Poland is one step away from one of the most important maritime decisions of recent decades. The choice of submarines under Orka will determine the safety of our country for at least a few decades. At a time when the government is expected to have a cool analysis and a full focus on the Polish strategic interest, the discussion includes a factor that few expected – official political support for one of the offers.

According to the CIS portal, Swedish and UK Prime Ministers sent a joint letter to Warsaw, which the Swedish and British diplomacy presents as political support for London Swedish offer A26. This is no longer just a matter of technical or business talks. It is an entry into the level of political gestures directed at the Polish government.

Orka submarine program and autonomy of Poland – why should we not let others decide for us

The question is whether we need such support at all, falls today in many places, from cabinets to ordinary conversations. And it's not an exaggerated reaction.

Poland does not interfere with British nuclear-powered submarine programmes. We are not commenting on the construction of successor ships of the type Dreadnought, we do not enter into discussions about what units are to enter the Royal Navy, we do not tell London what their submarine will look like in twenty years. So why did London decide to comment on our decisions? Why now, when the security of a country bordering the country where the war is taking place, depends on responsible choice?

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This is not a dispute over technology or political sympathy. It's a matter of principle. Poland is located on the eastern flank of NATO and operates in a completely different strategic rhythm than the countries outside the North Sea. We can't afford years of calm waiting. Any mistake, any delay and any wrong decision can create a security gap with which we will stay for a decade and which will actually affect our security. Lacks in submarine capabilities will not be filled with declarations or political gestures.

Poland does not expect a hint on how to modernise the Navy. It expects respect for its decision-making autonomy – as itself respects the autonomy of allies. When the British made decisions about the development of their SSNs, no one in Warsaw wrote letters, no one gave recommendations, no one indicated direction. We are talking about programs of an incomparably larger scale than Polish Ork.

Therefore, surprise is not an emotion, but a reaction to a imbalance that has been obvious so far: we do not interfere in other people's decisions and should expect exactly the same.

British companies in Poland – partnership yes, suggestions no

We have another element here, which is hard not to mention. British companies – Babcock, Thales UK and MBDA UK – have had a strong position in Poland for several years. They are the strategic partners of the Polish Armed Forces Group during the construction of frigates Miecznik programme in PGZ War Shipyard in Gdynia. Cooperation is a fact and no one questions it.

On the other hand, the presence of British companies in Polish arms programs does not give rise to a foreign capital making declarations about our choice in the Orka programme. Partnership does not mean the right to suggest decisions in matters which, by definition, must remain solely the responsibility of the Polish government. Especially when It's about underwater capabilities and maritime security countries that must follow their own threat schedule rather than the expectations of foreign partners.

Political support won't cover the facts. And these are embarrassing for Sweden.

From official information we know about the postponement of delivery dates and the increase in the costs of the A26 programme. The annex to the contract rejected the transfer of the first two vessels to the Swedish Navy for the years 2031 and 2033 and increased the contract value. However, this is not a matter of incident, but an element of the wider problem that has been discussed in the industry for years: the Swedish SAAB has clearly had difficulty keeping ambitious schedules, which translates into a risk for countries awaiting new units.

The Ork program only matters what is capable of action at sea. Poland needs a partner whose ships are already in service today and perform operational tasks, not the design of the units remaining in the documentation stage. The Swedish hull may be interesting, but only in the future. At this point, it remains an announcement for the years to come, and state security cannot be based on solutions that are yet to enter the implementation phase. Especially since the process of modernising our submarine forces has been limited to an absolute minimum.

Read also: Are Spanish S-80 submarines a good proposition for Poland?

Over the past decades, we have been through the liquidation of the Kobbens, the extinction of further capabilities and the gradual narrowing of the operating field. Polish Navy The Republic of Poland is operating today on the border of possibilities. Each year of delay increases a gap that no political declarations will fill at sea.

Orka submarine program It's a Polish decision. And only Polish

In this light, he particularly wonders that it is the offer that is most affected by delays that gain political support from abroad. It is difficult not to ask why such a course of action results and what arguments justify it. We do not prejudge answers, we only point to circumstances that require careful consideration. Poland should base its decisions on a real risk assessment and its own schedule of operational needs, not on an impression created by diplomatic gestures. In practice, only what really goes to the Polish Navy and will be incorporated into the service during a time of strategic importance for us.

Partnership in NATO does not mean the right to support and suggest purchasing processes in other countries. Poland does not speak on what ship to replace HMS Vanguard or HMS Astute. Does not evaluate the German 212CD program, does not enter into discussions on Korean KSS-III.

It is worth remembering that British Babcock participates in the S-80 program as a supplier of essential ship systems and components. S-81 Isaac Peral has already been handed over to the Spanish Armada Española and takes part in NATO operations and exercises. Since London is cooperating with a program whose prototype unit actually protects the maritime borders of Spain, the more the question arises why political support directed to Warsaw concerns the hull, which still remains only on paper and horizon for many more years.

As you can see, lobbying in this program is becoming increasingly pushy and multi-layered. Therefore, we should expect one thing: respect for our decision-making process and awareness that the modernization of the Polish Navy must remain fully under the responsibility of the Polish government. Everything else looks no longer like neutral allied support, but like a game of business, in which somewhere in the background appears the second bottom.

Because in the end there is a rule that Alexander Fredro said years ago: "Freedom, Tomek, in his cottage." Poland has the full right to decide its own safety – without advice from outside.